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NEGATIVE ASPECTS OF EXISTING JOB GRADING. Staff members do not have a stable basic salary. The basic salary fluctuate in relation to changes within the package such as medical aid , housing and car allowance. Financial Institutions base their credit assessment on the gross salary and not on the total package since other benefits do not form part of the cash received in the bank on pay day. This system encourage staff members to be able to cancel medical aid contributions and other allowances since one in return receives an increased basic salary at the end an increased cash in the bank . Blue collar employees are not benefiting from such salary structuring . Most of these employees have bigger families which adds more dependants at the end . These are staff members who earn low income . With this category of employees you find staff members who are frequently ill or offsick due to improper diet and poor living conditions or lack of proper medical treatment. Good heath is a basic need . Employers should have such salary systems which should encourage staff members to have medical aids in order to have employees who are in a good state of health . This should be the resposibility of the employer to encourage its staff members to be in a position of participating in medical scheme for a better output of the organisation and have a healthier society and a growing economy . -
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In the past, the government in many countries provided social welfare benefits to people. These benefits included things like public health care and free education. This is now changing in many countries. Governments today provide fewer services and benefits to people. Instead they hand this job over the private sector. This means that people have to start paying before they get a service. If families can't afford to pay private companies for these services, then someone in the family has to fill the gap. Generally it is women who have to: care for the sick when it is too expensive to take them to hospital, collect firewood because electricity is too expensive, walk miles to collect water from the river because piped water is too expensive. Many governments have been forced to change the role they play in the economy by the structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) imposes on them as one of the conditions for lending them money -
A comprehensive 1996 policy framework and economic vision released by organized labor (COSATU, NACTU, and FEDSAL). It critiques the "jobless growth" of the early transition and the extreme income inequality where the richest 10% earn over half the national income. The document advocates for a "social equity" model involving the redistribution of wealth, a "floor of rights" for workers, and an active role for the state in the economy, explicitly challenging the SA Foundation’s "neo-liberal" prescriptions. -
The Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC) and the NGO Coalition have called upon the new democratic government of South Africa not to pay the apartheid debt, incurred by the previous regime. The Reconstruction and Development Programme is suffering under the weight of interest payments on the debts made by the apartheid regime. Our organisations have argued that this debt is an odious debt incurred in the process of maintaining the system of apartheid. While major organisations of civil society have shown great interest in this issue, business and government circles . have been sceptical. A consistent concern has been raised in relation to the impact of debt cancellation for state pension holders. -
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There are two main co-operative activities that are supported by NUMSA. The one is SAWCO in Natal and the other is the project that is starting here in the East Cape. Does NUMSA have a policy on co-operatives? NUMSA in its Central Committee has taken a decision to support co-ops. But NUMSA is still busy thinking of how we can formulate a policy on co-operatives. We are working towards such a policy. So what is NUMSA's aim in giving support to co-ops? In other words, how can organised workers benefit from the support that NUMSA is giving to these co-op activities? Interview with Cde John Gomomo NUMSA East Cape Regional Chairperson We, the organised workers on the shop floor are becoming more and more mobilised and politicised. We do not believe that the struggle should just end on the shop floor. The struggle of organised workers should also benefit the community. Co-operatives is such an activity that can be of interest to all groups of oppressed people. We, the organised workers with all the skills we have gathered in the organisation, we believe that if we take the lead, co-ops could be fully democratised organisations in the community. -
COSATU must intervene in affiliates where it has identified problems, where problems have been brought to its attention and / or has been requested to do so. The CEC should draw guidelines on how and under which circumstances the federation and its structures may intervene taking into account clauses 3.9 and 3.10 of the constitution. Such intervention should not undermine affiliates where such problems exist. COSATU leadership must be visible during major disputes between affiliates and employers and co-ordinate solidarity with workers involved in such disputes. -
COSATU must intervene in affiliates where it has identified problems, where problems have been brought to its attention and / or has been requested to do so. The CEC should draw guidelines on how and under which circumstances the federation and its structures may intervene taking into account clauses 3.9 and 3.10 of the constitution. Such intervention should not undermine affiliates where such problems exist. COSATU leadership must be visible during major disputes between affiliates and employers and co-ordinate solidarity with workers involved in such disputes. -
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IRHAFU YENTENGO KUBANTU ABAHLUPHEKILEYO, IRHAFU YENTENGO KUBANTU ABADLA UMHLA- LA PHANTSI, ORHAFU YENTENGO KUBANTU ABANGAPHANDLE KWE- NGQESHO, IRHAFU YENTENGO KUBANTWANA' Urhulumente okhoyo usenkathazweni. Jikelele apha emhlab' uhlangeni ujongene nentiyo- yoluntu olufuna ukonyuswa jkwemivuzo, imfundo ephucukileyo, lizindlu eziphucukileyo, nokuthatha inkxaxheba kulawulo leli lizwe. Ngoku ephakathi koluxanduva uya kubani eyo- kucela uncedo? Akayi kongxowa-nkulu abamonyulayo nabenza izigidi ngezi gidi zemali ngenxa yemithetho awayi qulunqayo. Hayi uya kubasebenzi, kubantu abahluphekileyo asigunyanzise ukhuthi sihlawule iimpazamo zakhe. Urhulumente uzakutychitha entweni jyonke lemali yerhafu yentengo? Ingaba- bcthu uzakuyichitha ekusakheleni izindlu okanye uzakusinika ukutya nezinto zoku- Ihamba, kwimfundo mhlawumbi eyiyo lyabantwana bethu, abakhele mhlawumbi bindawo zokudLala nokonwaba? Hayi uza- gkuchitha kubandlululo nocalo-calulo! Uzakuyichitha kulo mgaqo-siseko mtsha lozama ukwahlula-hlula abantu bangabi nawo amandla okulwela amalungelo abo. Uzakuyichitha ngokugaya amapolisa lomeleze nomkhosi wokugcina ucalu- calulo nengcinezelo zomelele ukuze thina bantu bahluphekileyo sihlawule. -
The publication of this Green Paper is the first step taken by the Department of Labour in developing new legislation to regulate minimum employment standards in South Africa. The Department believes that the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA) 3 of 1933 and the Wage Act 5 of 1957 should be revised and replaced by a single law regulating statutory employment standards. This is needed to meet the country's social, political and economic goals as reflected in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and adopted by the Government of National Unity. The purpose of the Green Paper is to promote a debate on the development of the law. It contains proposals and options for discussion. It also briefly describes important aspects of these Acts for people who may not be familiar with their contents. The Green Paper has been prepared by the Directorate: Minimum Standards of the Department of Labour which is responsible for enforcing the BCEA and the Wage Act. It does not represent an official government view. It has not been endorsed by the Cabinet. It awaits the outcome on certain issues of the Report of the Comprehensive Labour Market Commission. The Green Paper will be submitted to the social partners in the National Economic Development and Labour Advisory Council (NEDLAC) for consideration. It is published to obtain public comment and will be circulated to other government agencies to obtain their views. The Green Paper concentrates on the principles that will form the basis for the development of the new legislation. It draws the attention of the public and the social partners to aspects of the existing laws that often do not receive adequate attention. -
COSATU must intervene in affiliates where it has identified problems, where problems have been brought to its attention and / or has been requested to do so. The CEC should draw guidelines on how and under which circumstances the federation and its structures may intervene taking into account clauses 3.9 and 3.10 of the constitution. Such intervention should not undermine affiliates where such problems exist. COSATU leadership must be visible during major disputes between affiliates and employers and co-ordinate solidarity with workers involved in such disputes. -
COSATU must intervene in affiliates where it has identified problems, where problems have been brought to its attention and / or has been requested to do so. The CEC should draw guidelines on how and under which circumstances the federation and its structures may intervene taking into account clauses 3.9 and 3.10 of the constitution. Such intervention should not undermine affiliates where such problems exist. COSATU leadership must be visible during major disputes between affiliates and employers and co-ordinate solidarity with workers involved in such disputes. -
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Today the bosses can see that workers are standing up for their rights. Their organisations are growing. 230 000 metal workers are united in NUMSA and more than 1 million workers are united in COSATU. The united power of workers have forced the bosses to accept changes to the vicious LRA. The united voice of the oppressed and exploited people have forced the bosses government to unban our organisations. And so the workers voice demanding control over their own lives is growing stronger day by day. The bosses can see that the workers have a plan. That workers are marching along a road which will lead them to victory and freedom. But the bosses too come with their own plan. And the bosses plan is aimed at protecting and increasing their profits and priviledges. The bosses plan is trying to force the workers to walk along the road of deregulation and increased profits for the bosses. This plan is seeking to divide workers and so to break their strength. The bosses plan aims to undermine centralised bargaining. They are scared to face the united power of motor workers. So they try to shift bargaining to plant and company level. -
Comrades, in 1993 we set out what we wanted to win by June 1996. Then we achieved the victory that we had fought so hard for - a non-racial government that is democratic and transparent. But on the shopfloor we still see apartheid: racial inequalities - high wage differences between workers and management, poorly trained workers (mostly black and our members) racist management who oppress our members, badly managed factories with S old machinery. All these are obstacles that prevent us building worker power, worker control and a better life for all. Read what we have won. Discuss what we should campaign around in 1995. -
ANC general secretary Cyril Ramaphosa (top left), and constitutional affairs and communications minister, Roelf Meyer, (top right) have been chosen as joint winners of New Nation's 'Man of the Year Awardâ€. The New Nation Award for "Businessman of the Year†goes to National Sorghum Breweries (NSB) chairperson, Professor Mohale Mahanyele (right). This is the first time that both awards are being made. The awards will be given annually in future in recognition of individuals who are deemed to have made a contribution in providing leadership for the general uptiftment of the people of South Africa. Ramaphosa and Meyer have been chosen for their tireless efforts in holding the negotiations process together during very arduous and difficult times. The rapport the two have struck has made a crucial difference as to whether the negotiations process flounders or goes forward. The two leaders are young and are likely to provide continuity and the excellent leadership that the transition period requires. Prof Mahanyele has provided bold imaginative leadership in the business world. He has placed black economic empowerment firmly on the agenda and has set his own company as an example of this. New Nation believes that it is business leaders like Prof Mahanyele who will ensure that black people reclaim their rightful place in the economic life of the country. The awards will be officially presented to their winners early in 1993. Democratic Party (DP) leader, Dr Zach de Beer, said: “The two (Ramaphosa and Meyer) have given all they could to get the negotiations process back on track... they deserve it.†The newly-appointed chief of the Development Bank of South Africa Prof Wiseman Nkuhlu said Prof Manyelele's achievement would “serve as a model to other black organisations involved in economic empowermentâ€. -
In South Africa and throughout the world the working class is struggling to win the full right to strike. This booklet is published to commemorate the 10th anniversary of a landmark in this struggle under Apartheid. Ten years ago, on 6th September 1976, members of the Glass and Allied Workers Union at Armourplate went out on strike. The first legal strike by black workers. Although their brave struggle was not successful then, many lessons were learnt that have allowed victories to follow. Such lessons were put into practice in the Dunlop strike and the sit-ins covered in this booklet. The legal position of strikes is confusing and part of this booklet tries to clear this up. The present legal rights can be compared with our demands in the COSATU resolution. -
One will assume that the topic chosen for me to present a paper on,is no the one which looks on organisational and analytic development of TGWU. I will therefore focus on TGWU 's perspective on the current bus crisis future perspective and TGWU organisational role in the bus industry I felt it important to outline a brief background and our perspective cm the industry and how that dictates our attitude towards the industry. This paper is divided along the following sections;- Use of transport in internal economic and labour control. Contradictions and conflicts over transport policy. The future and its implications for Transport policy after apartheid. TGWU's organisational role and influence in the industry. -
The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member's privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union†is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union†(company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers' interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power. -
Last week, SAMWU held lunchtime demonstrations around the country to protest against the privatisation of municipal services. The demonstrations were well attended with reports from the regions indicating that thousands of workers turned out. SAMWU has received an overwhelming show of solidarity from the international community. The General Secretary of UNISON, Britain's largest public sector union with over 1 million members, wrote that “The UK experience of water privatisation has been huge windfall profits for the companies, record dividends for their shareholders, and massive pay rises for those at the top of these companies. At the same time, employees have suffered job losses, while consumers have had massive price rises. Drought restrictions are widespread and almost one third of all water leaks from old pipes.†The Community and Public Sector Union is Australia wrote that “the Victorian government has pursued similar policies since its election in 1992, and this has resulted in the loss of over 30 000 jobs. Despite the massive effort at privatisation, the state remains the highest taxed state in the nation!†The President of the Public Services Association in Trinidad and Tobago wrote “Our own experience is that Severn Trent of the UK has been granted a loan facility by our government to cover all operational losses for the three year period, thereby taking no risks and collecting management fees of millions of dollars. Water is the most essential commodity for humans and it should never be handed over to the private sector profiteers.†The Executive Committee of Algemene Onderwijsbond, Netherlands wrote: “the evil of privatisation of public holdings is a worldwide problem.. .be convinced of our solidarity and support with your struggle.†SINTAP, the Portuguese Union representing public administration personnel wrote: “We hope the Ministry of Constitutional Development will be able to accept your pilot projects for public sector alternatives to privatisation of water and waste services.†The International Secretary of the 1.3 million member AFSCME (American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees) wrote: “given its central importance to sustaining life, water must remain in public hands. We applaud your actions to ensure working conditions for those employed in these critical public services and your leadership in educating the community of the danges associated with privatisation.†The President of the Lithuanian Trade Union Federation of Public Services faxed SAMWU's President a message saying that “in Lithuania, the capital city of Vilnius has been fighting French multinational Lyonnaise Des Eaux for four years. They want to buy our city's water system for 5 million US dollars and get 30% of the shares, which is valued at 660 000 US dollars. Its profit the company will get from our citizens pockets.†-
In South Africa, like all other capitalist societies, workers are forced to work for wages to buy the things they need to survive. The land, factories, mines, etc are privately owned by the capitalists. Because the capitalists own the land, factories and mines they control the wealth that is produced. With this wealth, as well as with the ownership of several newspapers and investment in radio and television stations, the capitalists can try and influence how people think. The capitalists also use the political rights and the wealth they have to influence how the government behaves. In South Africa, black workers have no political rights, because of apartheid. So they cannot influence the government in the same way as the capitalists. Workers standing on their own are also weak against their employers because the employers do not need any one particular worker. But the employers cannot do without all their workers. Machines without workers are useless. So if all workers can organise themselves to act together, to act collectively as it is called, then the balance of power changes. Capitalism needs the labour of workers to survive. So organised workers can be the most powerful weapon against capitalism. But the capitalists in South Africa are very powerful. They have a good friend in the apartheid state. Workers need to be well organised to challenge the power of the capitalists. But to build this strength, we need unity. We also need discipline and clear direction. The first step in making a union strong is for the union to have a very large membership. But the members cannot be sleeping members. They must understand the broader aims and objectives of the union and how the union fits into the wider struggle in South Africa. They must also have the skills and knowledge to be able to participate actively in all the activities of the union. Democratic practices increase the strength of workers' organisations and make them more effective. Democratic organisations are also necessary for building democratic societies because they make it possible for the masses of the people to participate in decisions about their lives.